GI SPECIAL 4A12:
HOW MANY
MORE FOR BUSH’S WAR?
BRING THEM
ALL HOME NOW!

Philippine Army soldiers carry
coffin of U.S. Army Sgt. Myla Maravillosa Jan. 19, 2006 in
Inabanga, in Bohol province in central Philippines. Sgt.
Maravillosa, a native of the country was the first female
Filipino American killed in Iraq. (AP Photo/Pat Roque)
Support The
Men And Women Speaking Out Against The War From Within The
Armed Forces:
All Out For
Ft. Bragg March 19!
Fayetteville, North Carolina. Home of Fort Bragg, the 82nd
Airborne, and Pope Air Force Base
March 18
Organizing Committee: march18@ncpeacejustice.org 919 360
2028 Initiated by Fayetteville Peace With Justice and the NC
Peace & Justice Coalition
On March
19, 2005, over 4,000 people marched and rallied in
Fayetteville, NC, on the 2nd anniversary of the war in Iraq
to support military families and veterans speaking out.
On March 18
& 19, 2006, the 3rd anniversary of the war in Iraq, plan to
attend events in Fayetteville NC, a critical opportunity to
show support for the men and women speaking out against the
war from within the Armed Forces. Real support for the
troops still means that we Bring Them Home Now!
IRAQ WAR
REPORTS
British
Soldier Wounded In Basra Bombing
01/19/06 Evening Echo
A British soldier was wounded
in a roadside bombing today in the southern Iraqi city of
Basra.
The soldier
was wounded at about 8am local time in the blast while on
patrol in the city, 340 miles south-east of Baghdad, a
military spokesman said.
There was a second blast in
the same area about two hours later. No injuries were
recorded.
Aberdeen
Mercenary Dies in Iraq
01/18/06 AP
Officials say an Aberdeen man
was one of two American civilians killed in a roadside
bombing Wednesday in Iraq.
42-year-old Roland Carroll
Barvels and another American were working as International
Police Liaison Officers for DynCorp International when a
roadside bomb hit their convoy near Basra, killing both of
them.
According to the company,
Barvels was a law enforcement officer for 17 years with
several departments in South Dakota. He was most recently
serving with the Aberdeen Police Department until he began
his one-year mission with DynCorp in November 2005. The two
men were assigned to the Civilian Police Advisory Training
Team, part of a unit that is training
U.S.
Command Helps Resistance ID And Kill “Dozens” Of
Collaborator Troops
Jan 19, 2006 Times Argus &
(Xinhuanet)
BAGHDAD,
Iraq: The horror began after American and Iraqi forces
cordoned off part of a highway north of Baghdad following
the deadly crash of a U.S. helicopter.
With
traffic directed onto narrow dirt roads, insurgents turned
the area into a killing field. They set up makeshift
checkpoints, grabbed motorists and slaughtered about 40 over
a two-day period, police said.
A local
tribal leader, Mohammed al-Khazraji, told The Associated
Press he saw "dozens of corpses" strewn over the ground
Wednesday, victims of the insurgents' culling.
"Hundreds of people were
detained by the militants and many were killed all because
of a helicopter crash that killed two Americans,"
al-Khazraji said.
Thirty people were dragged
from their cars Wednesday and shot dead execution-style in
farming areas in Nibaei, a town near Dujail, about 50 miles
north of the capital, said police Lt. Qahtan al-Hashmawi.
"Most of the victims were Iraqi policemen, soldiers or
commandos," he said.
Another 11
men were killed in similar fashion Tuesday and dumped about
a mile from Nibaei, said another policemen, Capt. Ali
al-Hashmawi.
Many people have been abducted
or killed by unknown gunmen in checkpoints in the fields
around the main road between Baghdad and Tikrit, some 170 km
north of Baghdad.
The Iraqi
army and police found early Thursday about 30 bodies in an
open area north of Meshahadah town, some 40 km north of
Baghdad, he said.
"Most
bodies belong to the Iraqi army and police, including two
officers, and some were government employees," he said
Notes From A Lost War:
“They Bash
Open Doors, Shout Their Targets Awake And Bind Their Hands
With Thick Plastic Restraints Called Zipcuffs”
“What A
Disappointing Night”
January 16, 2006 By Nick
Wadhams, Associated Press [Excerpts]
MOSUL, Iraq
— The Iraqi informant is a new source, but his tip seems
solid: The chief financier of a Mosul terrorist cell, a gas
station owner, lives in the neighborhood. He is wealthy
enough to afford two armed guards to accompany his son to
Mosul University.
Now, at 1:13 a.m., under a
light drizzle, 25-year-old Lt. Mark Brogan and 13 men from
his platoon crouch behind a wall, waiting for the signal to
storm the house. The informant claims the financier and his
son are inside. The two bodyguards, almost certainly armed,
might be there as well.
At last, 16 minutes later, the
company commander in a Stryker armored vehicle down the
block orders the soldiers to move. The men hustle to the
gate in the wall surrounding the house next door. A ladder
goes up and three soldiers clamber over. They open the gate
from the inside and the rest of the men stream in, crowding
next to a small sedan parked inside.
Sgt. John Alvarez, the squad
leader, puts his M-4 carbine to his shoulder and runs to the
door, ready to smash it in.
A man stands in the doorway
waiting for him.
“Down!” Alvarez shouts at the
silhouette. “Get DOWN!”
***********************************************
Brogan and Alvarez’s unit is
Alpha Company of the 4th Squadron, 14th Cavalry Regiment,
nicknamed the “Assassin Troop,” and known for the giant
skull painted on plywood hanging outside the bombed-out
building they call home at Forward Operating Base Courage.
They
profess not to be frightened of the night’s raid. They have
executed more than they can count, and the operations
usually go smoothly. They bash open doors, shout their
targets awake and bind their hands with thick plastic
restraints called zipcuffs. The captives are fitted with
blacked out goggles and taken to base for questioning.
But the raid this night will
be a little more complicated.
Earlier, at the base, Capt.
Matt Eberhart, the 30-year-old company commander, instructed
Brogan’s team to go strong into the house thought to belong
to the terror cell financier.
Yet he has also told the team
to then conduct a calmer “cordon and knock” at the house
next door, where an old man acquainted with the source lives
with his grandson. Neither is to be detained. Intelligence
indicates the two houses are connected.
“We’re just making sure we’re
not going in there and shooting the grandfather in the
head,” Eberhart, of Lincoln, Neb., tells Brogan, of
Kingsport, Tenn. “If we do that we lose the source, because
I get the sense there’s a connection between him and the
source.”
Brogan’s platoon of just over
30 soldiers seems unfazed by their mission, though there’s
palpable anxiety as the men assemble beforehand to prepare.
They smoke cigarettes and cigars, dip tobacco and laugh.
It’s cold and raining hard.
As the platoon members joke,
Sgt. Curlee Kelley, 28, of Stuttgart, Ark., tests them on
what to do if things go wrong.
What if they enter the house
and a member of their team goes down? Eliminate the threat
and then help the fallen man. What happens if the
bodyguards start tossing grenades and firing AK-47s from the
second story? Call for the Stryker out in the street to
open fire with its heavy machine gun.
They are reminded again not to
damage the houses. They expect to find women and children
in both.
Make sure to separate the
military age males from the rest. A blue Opel sedan in the
garage means the bodyguards are probably there.
“What do we do with children,
do we zipcuff them or is there an age limit?” a soldier
asks.
Kelley says his men must use
their judgment: anyone able to fire a weapon ought to be
zipcuffed. Another soldier asks about older girls and
women.
“They’re old enough to fire
weapons, but we’re not going to be doing women like that,”
Kelley says. Handcuffing women is considered an insult in
Arab society and the soldiers don’t want to engender ill
will.
Alvarez, 26, of San Jose,
Calif., leads the squad that will be first into the house.
It will be his job to breach the door, putting him in the
greatest danger by being first to confront anyone inside.
Alvarez, who wants to join a
police SWAT team when he leaves the service, says he’s not
afraid. “We’re in the Army. This is what we do,” he says,
grinning from beneath a black watch cap pulled low just over
his eyes.
Just outside, four Stryker
vehicles idle with their rear hatches open. The soldiers
from Assassin Troop swill energy drinks or coffee and
smoke. At 12:54 p.m., the Strykers leave the base.
“Just remember. If something
happens, eliminate the threat,” Kelley tells them. “It ain’t
no one-man show. John Wayne and Clint Eastwood ain’t in the
Army.”
*******************************************
The man who confronts Alvarez
at the door of the first house does not resist. In seconds,
he is zipcuffed and sprawled on the floor. Alvarez sweeps
through the kitchen, past a mixing bowl filled with parsley
and a pail of orange rinds in the sink.
Into the living room, where a
burning kerosene lantern illuminates a sleeping woman in her
early 20s. She screams as Alvarez moves through a doorway
to the bedroom where an old man sleeps with his wife and
across into another living room.
“First floor is clear,”
Alvarez says.
Two soldiers charge up the
stairs where they confront a 4-foot hatch that leads to
another bedroom. They rush in, waking up a woman, a man and
four children, including a teenage girl who begins sobbing
“Oh, mama, mama” over and over. The family is shepherded
downstairs to sit next to the old man, who has begun to rock
back and forth, mutter and wheeze.
“Second floor is clear,” Staff
Sgt. Michael Johnston, 29, of Basin, Wyo., announces.
Staff Sgt. Steven Doolittle,
of Chelsea, Okla., and the oldest man in the platoon at 32,
tells the old man to be quiet.
“He is my grandfather, he is
sick. What do you want?” the young woman shouts in accented
but flawless English. Doolittle is silent.
Alvarez and his team head
through the back garden to the house next door, where
intelligence says the source’s elderly acquaintance lives.
U.S. troops watching from other buildings have told him
there is movement on both floors. Once inside, he radios
for help. Wailing can be heard in the background.
“We got the baby issue up
here, we need personnel,” Alvarez reports to Brogan.
A few minutes later, the team
returns to the first house with three women, two babies and
a man who claims he worked for KBR, the Halliburton
subsidiary, until a year ago, but quit because it was too
dangerous. The man tells them he heard the commotion at his
neighbor’s house and opened his gate because he was afraid
they would smash it down.
The soldiers didn’t find the
informant’s friend or his grandson.
Doolittle brings the man they
did find into the kitchen to kneel on the floor with two
other males, one of whom is the son of the elderly man in
the next room. Two bespectacled soldiers from the 172nd
Stryker Brigade’s intelligence unit, who ask not to be
identified because of their work, approach the three men.
“I need you to tell me: Has
your father ever done anything with terrorists? Has he
supported them? Has he told them what to do, has he even
led to them?” one interrogator asks.
The question is repeated in
Arabic by a military translator. The man who says he once
worked for KBR smiles, closes his eyes and shakes his head
slowly, almost patiently. None of the three look
particularly frightened, just tired.
“He is a peaceful man who
stands in the doorway and spends the day tending the
garden,” the KBR man says of the 75-year-old in the living
room.
Eberhart
comes in from his command vehicle. He is not convinced. He
suspects that the old man is not the financier, but the
leader of the terrorist cell himself. Their names match,
and the old man could be exaggerating his poor health. He
could also be the quiet influence behind the cell, not
directly involved in attacks.
“You got to
think mafia,” Eberhart says. “The older you are the more
respect you get.” [You got to think Captain Eberhart is a
fucking paranoid idiot.]
He orders
the old man to be taken to a U.S. base and leaves the house
to look for the man’s third daughter who wasn’t there with
her two sisters when the soldiers broke in. She might know
something more.
Kelley has his men begin to
search the house, slowly sifting through cabinets, drawers
and closets. They come across the family’s one weapon, a
pistol, and collect nine $100 bills along with the
equivalent of several hundred more dollars in Iraqi dinars.
Yet as the
search progresses, something doesn’t seem right.
The old man was in the first
house, not the second. There is no one who fits the
description of the financier, and no one who could be his
college-age son. And the three men on the floor don’t look
much like bodyguards.
All three men in zipcuffs deny
owning a gas station. One says he is a civil engineer.
Their identification cards back them up.
The search turns up nothing
suspicious. One seized document is a mimeograph copy of an
English class reading: “Further examples about the basic
patters in English: Palmer and Crystal ate the meat
(hungrily) (in their hut) (that night).”
As Brogan
paces the room, a call comes in. It’s Eberhart. He tells
them to release everyone and get back into their Strykers.
An intelligence officer back
at headquarters has decided the old man doesn’t match the
cell leader’s description. Kelley and his crew are told to
return everything that has been collected and packed into a
black plastic trunk, and leave.
Sgt. Juan Castellanos, 26, of
Willow Creek, Calif., lays out everything at the feet of the
old man sitting in the living room, including the cash.
Brogan orders his men into the
room along with the three Iraqi men, who are cut free. They
rub their wrists, inflamed and red from the zipcuffs.
With his masked interpreter
beside him, Brogan looks to the Iraqis and U.S. soldiers
surrounding him.
“We apologize for the
inconvenience tonight. We had bad intelligence and believed
there was terrorist activity here. All your items have been
returned. We are not taking anyone tonight and we are
returning all your items,” he says.
“Normally
we get good intelligence and we catch the bad guys that are
trying to hurt you guys. I hope that everyone is OK and we
didn’t cause any stress.” [Do
you believe that one? Let some Iraqi soldiers do that to
his family, and come up with bullshit like that, and see how
he reacts.]
One of the Iraqi men tells him
gently that everyone just wants to go to bed and for the
Americans to leave them in peace. Brogan nods. The teenage
girl is still crying.
Outside, a light rain still
falls, but not enough to ground the Kiowa OH-58 scout
helicopters that buzz overhead.
Brogan’s
men climb into the Strykers. His attention turns to the
radio. Eberhart has tracked down and woken up the third
daughter and her story holds up. The tipster was wrong.
The people in the two houses have no connection to the
terror cell leader or its financier.
Castellanos
lights a cigarette as the Stryker lurches off. It is just
before 3 a.m.
“What a
disappointing night,” he says.
OCCUPATION ISN’T LIBERATION
BRING
ALL THE TROOPS HOME NOW!
IMPOSSIBLE
MISSION
FUTILE
EXERCISE
BRING THEM
ALL HOME NOW!

U.S. Marines patrol a road
leading to the nearby Euphrates River near Hit December 29,
2005. (Gunnery Sgt. Keith A. Milks/Handout/Reuters)
TROOP NEWS
Italy To
Pull All Troops Out Of Iraq:
1000 Go
Home By June
January 19 2006 Independent
Online
Rome -
Italy will withdraw 1 000 of its 2 600 troops in Iraq by
June and aims to finish its mission there by the end of this
year, Defence Minister Antonio Martino said on Thursday.
Italy, which has the fourth
largest foreign contingent in Iraq, faces a general election
next April where the unpopular Iraq war is likely to become
an issue.
Most
Italians and all opposition parties were opposed to the
troop deployment.
THIS IS HOW
BUSH BRINGS THE TROOPS HOME:
BRING THEM
ALL HOME NOW

Widow Rosali Rodon, left, is
presented with a box containing an American flag and the
honor medals of her husband, U.S. Army Sgt. Jason Lopez
Reyes, at his burial ceremony in his hometown of Hatillo,
Puerto Rico, Jan. 18, 2006. Lopez died of wounds sustained
Jan. 5 when a roadside bomb exploded near his convoy on the
outskirts of the Iraqi capital, Baghdad.
At least 47 Puerto Rican
soldiers have died in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars since
2001. (AP Photo/Andres Leighton)
Gen. Pace
And His Fellow Joint Chiefs Of Staff?
“Cowardice
And Dereliction Of Duty”
[Thanks to Alycia Barr, who
sent this in.]
The
more Americans reflect on the nature of the occupation
ongoing in Iraq, the more they wrestle with the notion
of how they would respond if a foreign power put its
troops on the ground here at home. The answer, of
course, is obvious. It is hard to recruit Americans who
know that if they were in the shoes of the Iraqis, they
would be doing the exact same thing as the insurgents:
fighting with every tool available to drive out the
foreign occupier.
01/18/06 By Scott Ritter,
AlterNet [Excerpts]
The generals who criticize
Congressman Murtha would do well to study recent history,
especially some of the historical lessons drawn from books
that they themselves encourage mid- to senior-level officers
to read.
Since its publication in 1998,
U.S. Army Col. H. R. McMasters' "Dereliction of Duty," an
indictment of the Joint Chiefs of Staff for the escalation
of the Vietnam War, has been required reading for a
generation of U.S. military leaders.
Drawing upon recently
declassified documents, McMasters outlines the betrayal of
the American military during the Vietnam War by its own
leaders, the general officers of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
who put their own career ambitions ahead of the welfare and
well-being of their troops, allowing the politicization of
the Vietnam War to occur to the point that a war all knew to
be unwinnable (and unjust) was sustained for many years by
those afraid to speak out lest they threaten their career
and reputation.
Gen. Pace
and his fellow Joint Chiefs of Staff are the current
manifestation of the same cowardice and dereliction of duty
McMasters chronicled in his book, a trend that leads one to
question whether there are any generals today who possess
enough honor to speak out against a war, and its underlying
policies, that not only destroys the men and institutions
they represent as leaders, but threatens the very nation
they are sworn to defend.
McMasters, a major at the time
of the publication of his book, is an officer of great
courage and conviction, not to mention considerable military
talent. He commanded an armored unit during the 1991 Gulf
War, which engaged the Iraqi Republican Guard in a ferocious
battle known as "73 Easting."
More recently, McMasters
commanded the 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment in Iraq, where he
participated in combat operations in northern Iraq,
including a decisive battle in September 2005 for the city
of Tall Afar, a city of some 200,000 people about 260 miles
northwest of Baghdad and only 40 miles from Syria.
This battle, Operation Restore
Rights, was one of several waged by the U.S. military and
its erstwhile Iraqi government allies against Iraqi
insurgents in an effort to demonstrate that the Iraqi
military was taking a lead in security and stability
operations inside Iraq. In a briefing to journalists shortly
after the fighting in Tall Afar wound down, McMasters
referred to the insurgents as "terrorists" who were drawn to
Tall Afar because of its location along routes between the
Iraqi city of Mosul and Syria. According to McMasters, the
"terrorists" considered it a good place to incite sectarian
and ethnic violence and chaos that would preclude Iraqi
governmental control.
When the terrorists took over
Tall Afar, McMasters said, they replaced all the imams from
the mosques with Islamic extremists, replaced all teachers
from the schools with people who "preached hatred and
intolerance," and kidnapped and murdered large numbers of
people. "The enemy here did just the most horrible things
you can imagine," McMasters said, "in one case murdering a
child, placing a booby trap within the child's body, and
waiting for the parent to come recover the body of their
child and exploding it to kill the parents."
In the end, McMasters said,
the "terrorists" who once ran the western Iraq city of Tall
Afar were routed by American and Iraqi security forces.
The operation began in early
May of 2005, McMasters noted, but fighting reached a climax
in September. About 5,000 Iraqi security forces and around
3,500 U.S. troops participated in Tall Afar operation,
according to McMasters, who noted that a "pall of fear" has
been lifted from Tall Afar.
McMasters, in extolling the
victory in Tall Afar, noted that the United States is
employing "the right strategy" to defeat insurgents in Iraq
by building up capable Iraqi security forces, including
police, to eventually take over from coalition troops.
The colonel said the American
people should be very proud of U.S. service members in Iraq,
noting that they and their coalition and Iraqi partners have
"the enemy on the run." The Iraqi people should know that
America is "going to stand by them" until the insurgents
have been defeated, McMasters said.
If one were ignorant of Col.
McMasters' curriculum vitae, one might be excused for
thinking that Gen. Pace or one of his clones had given the
briefing, so in lock-step was the briefing with the
political message being issued from the White House.
According to McMasters'
simplistic briefing, one would believe that the "terrorists"
had imposed themselves on the people of Tall Afar, and not
the U.S. military.
Tell that to the Hassan
children, orphaned by the U.S. Army in January 2005, when
their car was shot up at a U.S. military roadblock inside
Tall Afar.
"If it were
up to me, I'd kill the Americans and drink their blood",
14-year-old Jilian Hassan, who survived the shooting, is
quoted as saying afterwards. The Hassans were Turkmen,
natives of Tall Afar.
I'd like to
ask Col. McMasters what his sentiments would be if foreign
troops shot up his car while he drove home in his own
hometown, killing members of his family. I'm certain they
would echo that of young Jilian.
But McMasters will be the
first to tell you that there are unforeseen consequences to
war, first and foremost being the tragic reality of what the
military euphemistically refers to as "collateral damage"
among the civilian population.
But I will
tell you that another casualty of war is the truth, and
McMasters, the man who took the Joint Chiefs of Staff to
task for their lack of honor when it came to selling the
Vietnam War, seems to have taken a page directly from his
own book.
McMasters
failed to mention that his operation was an eerie repeat of
a similar operation fought in Tall Afar almost exactly one
year prior by members of the U.S. Army's Stryker Brigade in
September 2004.
As with that effort, Operation
Restore Rights found virtually no foreign fighters in Tall
Afar, only Iraqi Turkmen native to the city. Almost all of
those killed or captured during the battle for Tall Afar
were native Turkmen.
McMasters also glosses over
the reality of the Iraqi military, which fought alongside
the U.S. soldiers in Tall Afar. Drawn primarily from the
ranks of the Kurdish Peshmergh, who were (and are) waging
their own pogrom of ethnic cleansing against Turkmen in the
area of Kirkuk, the Iraqi military was engaged in nothing
less than the wholesale terrorizing of an innocent civilian
population which the U.S. military, including McMasters,
allowed to be categorized as "criminal."
Iraqi Defense Minister Sadoun
al-Dulaimi, a former lieutenant colonel in Saddam Hussein's
army who fled Iraq in 1986, commenting on the "battle" of
Tall Afar, said that it would be used as a model as his
forces attacked other insurgent-held cities in quick
succession. "We are warning those who have given shelter to
terrorists that they must stop, kick them out, or else we
will cut off their hands, heads and tongues as we did in
Tall Afar," al-Dulaimi said.
Within a
month of McMasters' press conference, U.S. forces in Tall
Afar were trying to win over the deeply traumatized Turkmen
population. Meetings were held with local school officials
on how to reopen schools closed since the fighting in
September.
Most of the schools had been
destroyed or damaged in the fighting, and those that
remained intact served as barracks for the occupying U.S.
military forces that remained behind in Tall Afar.
School
officials asked when the Americans might leave, so that they
could return to a sense of normalcy. The U.S. military made
it clear that the security situation in the city will
dictate when the soldiers will leave the schools. "We hope
we can leave those schools as soon as possible, but we do
not want to do so too early and allow the criminals to come
back," a U.S. military officer said.
Left unsaid was the reality that the "criminals" the officer
referred to are in fact the very citizens he claims to be
protecting.
As
McMasters and others know, the vast majority of the
"terrorists" killed and detained during the fight for
Tall Afar were natives of that town simply fighting to
defend their homes.
Like
young Jilian, however, there can be little doubt about
what will motivate them for the foreseeable future: a
burning desire to drive out an occupying force, that
destroyed their homes and slaughtered their fellow
townspeople.
In an effort to win back the
"hearts and minds" of the citizens of Tall Afar, Col.
McMasters' 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment participated in a
program in mid-November 2005 to distribute blankets to help
ward off the cold of the coming winter. This action was
reported by the Department of Defense's new "Defend America"
website, part of a propaganda effort to feed to the American
people the "good news" coming from Iraq.
Tell that
to the citizens of Tall Afar, who know that a few blankets
and repaired schools can't undo the damage done by a brutal
occupation run by officers like Col. McMasters who have lost
all sense of history or responsibility when it comes to
waging war in Iraq.
When Col.
McMasters was a major, he authored a book that made me proud
to say I was an officer in the service of the armed forces
of the United States of America.
Today, I
cannot in all good faith say I share these sentiments.
Col.
McMasters seems to have forgotten the lessons Maj. McMasters
penned in his book "Dereliction of Duty."
After
reviewing Col. McMasters' words and deeds regarding Tall
Afar, I wonder if he could write such a book today, or
instead has he become so enamored with his rank and
position, and with his seemingly upward mobility in the
ranks of the U.S. Army, that he has forgotten the
important lessons he drew from the failure of leadership
exhibited by the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the
Vietnam War.
One could easily confuse Col. McMasters' briefing regarding
operations in Tall Afar with similar briefings offered years
ago by colonels concerning operations in the Au Shau Valley,
or outside Danang, or anywhere else in Vietnam, just as one
would have no problem drawing a direct comparison with the
politicized posturing of the Joint Chiefs of Staff during
Vietnam with the similar behavior of Gen. Pace and his
colleagues today regarding Iraq.
I am
hopeful that the current course undertaken by America can be
reversed, and that someday (soon) Americans can enlist with
pride in a military not only sworn to defend the
Constitution, but also actively engaged in legitimate
activities designed to do just that.
The only "way of life" being
destroyed today in Iraq is the Iraqi way of life, and the
force responsible for this devastation is the U.S.
military.
The
insurgency being waged in Iraq today is not anti-American,
but rather anti-occupation.
The more
Americans reflect on the nature of the occupation ongoing in
Iraq, the more they wrestle with the notion of how they
would respond if a foreign power put its troops on the
ground here at home. The answer, of course, is obvious. It
is hard to recruit Americans who know that if they were in
the shoes of the Iraqis, they would be doing the exact same
thing as the insurgents: fighting with every tool available
to drive out the foreign occupier.
We knew
when we joined the military that we had a social contract
with our fellow Americans.
We who
served would forego the comforts and freedoms of civilian
life so that we could guarantee that those very same
civilians could live as Americans.
We also
knew that, when the time came, America would support us by
not only providing us with the wherewithal to wage war, but
also ensure that before asking us to make the ultimate
sacrifice in defense of a cause, that it was a cause worthy
of that sacrifice.
Today, that
contract lays broken and violated.
America
went to war in Iraq on the basis of false premises.
Our troops
fight and die for a cause most Americans cannot identify
with.
And the
U.S. military is engaged in domestic spying operations
against the very citizens it is sworn to defend.
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Army Sounds Retreat:
Fewer
Troops,
More
Rotations With
Less Rest
At Home
The
reduction of combat brigades "will put strain on the
Guard even greater than it is today, because we will
have to rotate more frequently," said retired Brig. Gen.
Stephen M. Koper, president of the National Guard
Association in Washington.
January 19, 2006 By Ann Scott
Tyson, Washington Post Staff Writer
The Army
announced yesterday that it will cut six National Guard
combat brigades -- or up to 24,000 infantry and other combat
troops, as part of an effort to ease budgetary pressures
and shift manpower into homeland defense missions.
In addition
to scaling back the guard's combat brigades to 28 from 34,
the active-duty Army will add one fewer combat brigade than
it had planned, ending up with 42 instead of 43, Army
Secretary Francis J. Harvey told a Pentagon news briefing
yesterday.
The changes
suggest that budgetary pressures are exerting limits on the
expensive manpower increases that the Army initiated in
recent years in its struggle to meet demands in Iraq and
Afghanistan.
They also
reflect recruiting difficulties, as well
as a greater National Guard emphasis on homeland missions in
the wake of Hurricane Katrina.
Curbing the growth in Army combat brigades could give troops
less time than officials had hoped between war-zone
rotations, officials said.
The
reduction of combat brigades "will put strain on the Guard
even greater than it is today, because we will have to
rotate more frequently," said retired Brig. Gen. Stephen M.
Koper, president of the National Guard Association in
Washington.
Harvey said
the Army has not yet been able to achieve its rotational
goal for active-duty brigades of spending one year in a war
zone and two years at home; instead units are spending 15 to
22 months at home, he said.
On the 3rd Anniversary of the Invasion of Iraq
Walkin’ To
New Orleans
VETERANS
AND SURVIVORS MARCH FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE
From Mobile
to New Orleans
March
14-19, 2006
FROM THE GULF COAST TO THE PERSIAN GULF
EVERY BOMB DROPPED ON IRAQ EXPLODES IN NEW ORLEANS
The shocking images of
devastation in the wake of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita may
be fading from television news but the crisis on the Gulf
Coast is still with us. It's like the government's ban on
film of planes unloading flag-draped coffins at Dover Air
Force Base--pictures or no, US troops and Iraqis are still
dying, day in and day out.
The
corporate media hasn’t done much in depth reporting that
shows the connection between a multi-trillion dollar illegal
war abroad and the shameful failure of our government's
moral, economic, and political response to Katrina.
Everyday people in this country, however, sense that they
are connected.
Military families and veterans of Iraq, Vietnam and
other military adventures, together with hurricane
survivors, intend to make that connection crystal clear
on an epic march down Gulf Coast Highway 90, heading
into the heart of New Orleans on the third anniversary
of the war.
The ongoing crisis on the Gulf
Coast and the connection that Dr. King made between the
"giant triplets of racism, militarism and economic
exploitation" will be impossible to ignore.
At the call
of the Mobile, Alabama chapter of Veterans For Peace,
members of VFP, Iraq Veterans Against the War, Vietnam
Veterans Against the War, Gold Star Families for Peace and
Military Families Speak Out will conduct, a six-day,
135-mile march from Mobile across Mississippi to New
Orleans. Thousands of hurricane survivors and community
residents along the route are expected to walk with us.
The marching veterans and
military families aim to build relationships with the
surviving members of communities devastated by the
Katrina-Rita disaster. Our actions will proclaim our
solidarity with them, not only as acute victims of a
"natural" disaster but also of structural racism in the
United States.
As we walk
down the coastal highway, veterans who have ourselves been
the instruments of death and destruction abroad and who have
become witnesses against war as a matter of conscience, will
speak out and act as a conscience for the nation in a region
of the deep South still shaped by slavery, segregation and
the monumental freedom struggles of the 1960s.
For veterans this will be both
a spiritual pilgrimage and a political action
We will demand real
empowerment for Gulf Coast hurricane survivors and for the
Iraqi people.
We will
demand the immediate withdrawal of all US troops from Iraq.
Bring Them
Home Now! And as they come back, we demand decent health
care, employment, housing and education for them, including
Depleted Uranium testing and post-traumatic stress (PTSD)
treatment.
We will
demand that the US government provide funds for all Katrina
families to be reunited and returned to their homes. Bring
Them Home Now!
And we
demand that hurricane survivors have the right to plan their
future free from the dictates of the corporations and their
politician front men in Washington D.C. and on the state and
local level, too.
This march
is a reminder to the leadership of the US, regardless of
party affiliation, that the majority of American people now
oppose the war.
"Staying the course" while
people continue to die and while resources spent on an
unjust and failed policy are desperately needed on the Gulf
Coast of the United States, is simply not acceptable.
WE NEED YOUR HELP TO MAKE THIS HAPPEN!
While the march itself will be
made up mainly of veterans, Gold Star and other military
families, and hurricane survivors, all concerned citizens
are invited and encouraged to attend the final leg, heading
into a mass rally in New Orleans on March 19, the third
anniversary of the invasion of Iraq.
We need
financial support to conduct this march, and we need it
now. To donate, go to www.ivaw.net or
www.veteransforpeace.org and follow the donation
instructions. Note that your donation is for the
IRAQ
RESISTANCE ROUNDUP
Assorted
Resistance Action

A vehicle destroyed by a
roadside bomb in Basra January 18, 2006. The bomb killed
two U.S. mercenaries and seriously wounded a third.
REUTERS/Atef Hassan
Jan 19 (KUNA) & RTة 2006
The Iraqi police station in
Zubair in southern Basra came under attacks by rockets
Thursday, a police spokesman said. There were no human
casualties.
The spokesman told reporters
three Katyusha rockets were fired at the Zubair station by
unknown gunmen.
Police in Iraq now say that at
least 22 people were killed and 26 others wounded in a
double car bomb and suicide bomb attack in the Iraqi
capital, Baghdad.
Police said
a car bomb hit a police patrol and, simultaneously, a
suicide bomber walked into a coffee shop next to the patrol
and blew himself up.
Police
earlier said that policemen and civilians were among the
dead.
FORWARD
OBSERVATIONS
“The Sense
That The World Is Not A Safe Place Is Not A ‘Disorder.’
“It Is An
Accurate Perception”
KIA IN
ALABAMA
(In Memory
Of Douglas Barber)
Let me
explain something, as a veteran myself of eight conflict
areas, and something that Doug discovered in Balad.
The sense that the world is not a safe place is not a
"disorder." It is an accurate perception.
Post-traumatic stress is not a disorder. Calling it
that earns it a place in the DSM IV, professionalizes
and medicalizes this very accurate perception that the
world is not safe, and that life is not a comforting
film convention.
1.19.06 By Stan Goff Via
vvawnet
"All is not okay or right for those of us who return home
alive and supposedly well. What looks like normalcy and
readjustment is only an illusion to be revealed by time and
torment. Some soldiers come home missing limbs and other
parts of their bodies. Still others will live with permanent
scars from horrific events that no one other than those who
served will ever understand." - Douglas Barber, 2005
On January
16th, after having talked quite normally on the phone with
at least two other people that same day, Douglas Barber, a
member of Iraq Veterans Against the War (IVAW) living in Lee
County, Alabama, changed the answer message on his
telephone.
"If you're
looking for Doug," it said in his Alabama drawl, "I'm
checking out of this world. I'll see you on the other
side."
He then called the police,
collected his shotgun, and went out onto his porch to meet
them. From the sketchy reports we have now, it seems the
police wouldn't oblige him with a "suicide by cop" and tried
to talk him down. When it became apparent he wasn't able to
commit cop-suicide, 27-year-old Douglas Barber did an about
face, rotated the shotgun and killed himself.
There is a hell of a lot that
we just don't know about how this happened. I talked to
Doug on the phone earlier this month, and he described how
excited he was to have joined IVAW, how he looked forward to
taking up the pen and speaking out. Others had spoken with
him only days and hours before he permanently quieted the
chaos in his head. None of the "classic" signs of suicidal
thinking were manifest. He was gregarious and upbeat,
playful.
We know he
had been prescribed medication.
When he
came back from Iraq, having served with the 1485th
Transportation Company, a National Guard unit
federalized to compensate for the extreme combat
overstretch in Iraq, he was diagnosed with severe
post-traumatic stress (PTSD), and the Veterans
Administration medical system leans toward drugs.
In
fact, they frequently shazam PTSD into something called
"personality disorder," which can be treated with
drugs.
One
veteran I know was prescribed Paxil which made him feel
suicidal, and when the VA insisted that it worked, this
kid switched to his own anti-depressant, marijuana,
which he says works better than the Paxil and doesn't
make him feel like killing himself.
If one has
a personality disorder, you see, then the "pathology" has no
relation to one's job, like participating in the occupation
of Iraq.
The
etiology exists somewhere within the individual, like a
genetic disorder that was missed during induction, missed by
one's units, and missed during medical pre-screening for
deployment into Mesopotamia.
We don't know if Doug was
taking medication, or had stopped taking medication, or even
what medication he had been prescribed.
We do know that he was a truck
driver, and that his job in Iraq was driving supply convoys
along the shooting gallery between Baghdad Airport and LSA
Anaconda in Balad -- a giant military base -- a veritable
city -- that is subject to so many mortar and rocket attacks
that the troops have renamed it Mortaritaville.
We do know, from Doug's
interviews, that the stress of those convoys, each
confronting its participants with the possibility that this
could be one's last road trip, were hard on Doug.
In July
2003, his convoy was hit with an improvised explosive
device, and the mortar attacks at Anaconda were so regular
that they were almost a weather pattern. But Doug said
there was something else that was even harder on him. When
the grunts came in, they would describe how many civilians
they'd killed.
When Doug was in a traffic jam
one day, feeling very vulnerable, and the US units
dismounted to clear the traffic jam, angry and afraid and
waving weapons at the civilians, a woman in a bus held up
her baby for them to see... like that window-sign we see in
cars on American highways -- "Baby on Board." Only she
wasn't cautioning other drivers to be careful. She was
trying to prevent an armed attack that could kill her child.
Doug may have decomped from
medication, I don't know. That could have contributed to
his suicide. It's possible.
He fought
with the defunded, Bush-administration VA for two years
trying to get counseling, and trying to get authorization
for his disability. It's very difficult to be a "productive
member of society" when one fears sleep, and when one has
lost meaning.
I read a book on
post-traumatic stress once. Rape is the most common cause,
then combat. It said that trauma disrupts one's sense that
the word is a safe place, that trauma destabilizes our sense
of meaning.
Let me
explain something, as a veteran myself of eight conflict
areas, and something that Doug discovered in Balad.
The sense that the world is not a safe place is not a
"disorder." It is an accurate perception. And the
sense of meaning many of us enjoy is an illusion, a
cruel construction that normalizes the orderly activity
of the suburb and nurses our children on simple-minded,
Disney-fied optimism pumped through television sets in a
relentless data stream.
Post-traumatic stress is not a disorder. Calling it
that earns it a place in the DSM IV, professionalizes
and medicalizes this very accurate perception that the
world is not safe, and that life is not a comforting
film convention.
Calling
it an individual "disorder" cloaks the social systems
responsible for experiences like Vietnam and Iraq.
And it
renders invisible the fact that Douglas Barber was not
merely a suicide.
Douglas
Barber was nurtured on the illusions that secure our
obedience, but when the real system needed to demonstrate to
the rest of the world just how unsafe our nation could make
them as the price of disobedience, the vile carnival barkers
of the Bush administration, like administrations before
them, did not recruit the children of Martha's Vineyard or
Georgetown.
They went, as they have always
done, to places like Lee County, Alabama, where simple
people have formed powerful affective attachments to the
myth of our national moral superiority.
When
that word view, that architecture of meaning, collapses
in the face of realities like convoy Russian roulette,
and women holding babies up to prevent being shot, and
daily stories of slaughter by the people one sleeps
with, the profound betrayal of it is not experienced as
some quiet, somber sadness.
It is
experienced like bees swarming out of a hive that has
been broken, as a howling chaos. So we quiet it with
marijuana, alcohol, heroin, and even shotguns.
The most fortunate of these
survivors find one another.
Doug had recently joined IVAW, where our veterans not only
establish mutual support networks of plain love and care
with one another, but where they can engage in the most
"therapeutic" activity of all: fighting back against the
criminality that sent them there in the first place.
We arrived
too late for Doug.
We were
going to met him in Birmingham later this month to involve
him in the planning for a from Mobile, Alabama to New
Orleans, and serve as the conscience of a nation that will
spend trillions to drop bombs on Iraqis, and use a hurricane
in the Black Belt as a pretext to accelerate gentrification.
So when we
launch out of Mobile in March on this 135-mile trek, we will
carry Douglas Barber with us.
*******************************************************
Stan Goff
is a retired Special Forces Master Sergeant.
He is the author of three books; "Hideous Dream: A
Soldier's Memoir of the US Invasion of Haiti" (Soft Skull
Press, 2000), Full Spectrum Disorder: The Military in the
New American Century (Soft Skull Press, 2004), and Sex & War
(Soft Skull Press, 2006 [to be released soon])
www.softskull.com. He is the military affairs editor
for From The Wilderness http://www.fromthewilderness.com/,
and writes foreign policy analysis for Sanders Research
Associates.
He is a member of Vietnam
Veterans Against the War www.vvaw.org , Veterans For Peace
www.veteransforpeace.org, and Military Families Speak Out
www.mfso.org.
His son is
in the active duty army and is in Iraq now for the third
time. Goff is on the coordinating
committee of the Bring Them Home Now! campaign
www.bringthemhomenow.org , and advises Iraq Veterans Against
the War www.ivaw.net on organizational development. His
blog is called "Feral Scholar."
A Call To
America:
Dare To
Make A Principled Stand
As
someone who willingly took an oath to follow legal
orders and to use his actions to correct any conditions
deemed detrimental to the integrity of the service, Sgt.
Benderman saw clearly the actions of this war to be
detrimental to the honor of the soldiers who had
volunteered to serve and filed his conscientious
objection to it.
From: Monica Benderman
Sent: January 16, 2006 10:44
PM
By Monica
Benderman. Monica Benderman is the wife of Sgt. Kevin
Benderman, wrongfully imprisoned for being a Conscientious
Objector to war.
***********************************************
Terrorism is the use of fear
tactics to coerce others to bend to your will or way of
thinking. Terrorists employ threats as a means of
controlling the actions of others.
The root of
terrorist actions lies in simple aggressive behaviors, often
referred to as disciplinary actions, designed to scare a
person enough to make them “tow the line” and follow
directions even when the directions lead to a violation of
their own ethical principles.
The most severe acts of terror
are far less prevalent than those with less harmful physical
results, and yet their foundation lies in a society’s
willingness to accept the simpler, less noticeably damaging
acts as part of life, and turn a blind eye to the lasting
effects.
People only
want to recognize terrorists as those who commit the most
heinous of threatening acts. Our society seems to not want
to see the simple acts of terrorizing that can happen to all
of us, that ARE happening to all of us right here in our own
country. Eventually, we must realize that it is the fact
that we have allowed ourselves to be apathetic toward these
actions that the systems by which our country operates have
now become corrupt.
Americans
are deserting their duty to their country, and their
Constitution, every time a member of government, a member of
the military or a member of our community uses fear-based
threats to cause them to run away rather than stand for what
they believe.
Americans
desert their country and the foundations upon which it was
built every time they believe it is another’s responsibility
to bring about the changes necessary to keep our country
strong; every time they run and hide to keep from facing the
challenge of standing against a corrupt policy or law.
Government institutions,
community projects, and military policies will remain
corrupt as long as Americans are willing to avoid their
responsibilities.
Those
people who have been elected to serve the citizens of
the United States will only act according to the manner
in which those they serve demand that they act. If the
people are apathetic, those in government are going to
believe that we do not care. If the people do not care,
there is no reason not to take advantage of what those
in government have been given; an open checkbook with
only one signature needed.
The American people, as a
whole, are responsible for the threatening acts that have
been used against us. The American people let their guard
down.
We were told that our country
was secure, and so we lazily believed, not wanting to use
the effort to see for ourselves. We learned the hard way
that the security we were promised was nothing more than
smoke and mirrors. Now, we blame the government, but it was
the American people who did not step up and hold the
administration accountable to its words.